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In this case, prosecutors alleged that there was evidence to indicate that Walker and his team of advisers and associates had set up a coordinated effort with lobbyists and major donors to swing elections by secretly pouring huge amounts of corporate cash into the races. The money was channeled through a third-party group, the DAs alleged, in order to circumvent state and federal rules that set limits on political contributions and require them to be publicly revealed.

The documents show the governor and his fundraising team going after, and receiving cash from, many of the most prominent rightwing donors in the country. Paul Singer, hedge-fund manager and chairman of the Manhattan Institute, also crops up in the documents. Walker was also there, arriving at the resort armed with a to-do list from his chief fundraiser Kate Doner.

The governor presumably did as he was told. A good example of the way things worked was the donation made by Donald Trump. On 3 April , two months before the governor faced the electorate, Walker flew to New York for a rapid-fire string of fundraising meetings with big money interests. He travelled the length of Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, making stops at the investment bank Morgan Stanley, a hedge fund, a corporate law firm, and the residence of publishing tycoon Steve Forbes.

There is no record of the conversation between the two men. Wisconsin Club for Growth. Friends of Scott Walker, Wisconsin Club for Growth and other parties named in the John Doe investigation have all vigorously denied any legal violations. They point out that no charges have been brought against any subject of the inquiries.

Several courts shut down the baseless investigation on multiple occasions, and there is absolutely no evidence of any wrongdoing. They said that regulatory restrictions on the size and source of donations only applied to groups that were expressly advocating for or against a named political candidate. The Club paid for advertisements that advanced its pro-liberty, fiscal responsibility, pro-Act 10 beliefs.

None of the advertisements expressly urged voters to vote for or against any candidate. In the course of the John Doe investigation, the prosecutors obtained hundreds of emails and bank records under subpoena. The email trail shows a pattern of behavior developing: Walker meets up with big corporate donors and encourages them to contribute unlimited sums of money through WCfG in secret, then shortly after the checks start to flow. The Schneider checks, like several others included in the files, were cut on corporate checks in the name of the company itself. Some of those checks are published by the Guardian today, redacted to remove bank numbers.

The Guardian has also redacted other documents in the files to remove personal information such as cellphone numbers and private home addresses. Most spending by other groups was directly funded by grants from the Club. Polling, focus groups and message development was a collaborative effort. The collaboration set up in was successful in helping four of the six Republican senators fend off the recall challenge and keep their jobs — allowing them to hang onto their senate majority by one vote.

They also insist, using a complex formula related to the electoral calendar, that Walker only became an official candidate on 9 April Until the US supreme court indicates later this month whether or not it will intervene in the John Doe case, the question of the legality of the Walker network and the coordination that it involved will hang in the balance. That point is certainly clear, unless the US supreme court, which has the final say in any matter of constitutional law, decides otherwise. The John Doe files obtained by the Guardian give clues as to why the prosecutors have raised doubts about impartiality in the state courts.

Take David Prosser.

John Doe's Manifesto

At precisely the same time as the six Republican senators were embroiled in their recall election, Prosser was in his own electoral fight for survival. Hendricks has also popped up as part of the Donald Trump presidential campaign.


Hendricks was right to be concerned about the state supreme court. Were Prosser to lose the vote, the consequences for Walker and his entire rightwing union-bashing agenda would have been devastating. An email from March , just two months after Walker took office as governor and a month before Prosser was tested at the polls, makes the point. By now the anxiety surrounding the fate of the Wisconsin supreme court judge, David Prosser, is growing more intense.

Why Are Unidentified People Called John or Jane Doe?

By 20 March, two weeks before the election, worry is distilling into panic. It worked. The petitioners go on to discuss Prosser in detail, but the passage is so heavily redacted that their argument is obscured. Prosser declined to step aside citing a rule change that had been suggested and partially written by WMC itself. The change removed the obligation of supreme court judges in Wisconsin to recuse themselves in cases involving groups that had helped them secure their own elections.

WMC strongly disputes any allegations of wrongdoing and will vigorously defend itself against such allegations. WMC has long been a proponent of the First Amendment and has a history of fighting to protect its ability to publicly express its views. WMC maintains that commitment to protecting its right to express a point of view on public policy, public officials and candidates for office as well as protecting the confidentiality of its donors.

In a telephone interview with the Guardian, Prosser, who retired from the state supreme court in July, said that in his view sufficient time had passed between his re-election in and the judgment in the John Doe case in for any potential conflict of interest to fade. There was no expectation on the part of recipient or givers that the contributions were designed to effect litigation, and so the contributions raised no questions whatsoever.

Of course I was going to hope that somebody would come in and defend me because I was unable to defend myself. Just two weeks before writing that sentence, Judge Prosser had approved the court ruling that ordered the destruction of the John Doe files, among which was to be found the very same email to which he referred. One area of possible concern raised by the John Doe files chimes with the anger and disgruntlement of voters that Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders have so powerfully articulated in the presidential race.

If money channels are set up in secret to allow corporations and the super-wealthy to inject vast amounts of undisclosed cash into political races, the level playing field can be distorted to the benefit of corporate-friendly candidates and to the disadvantage of those representing ordinary voters.

As tax-exempt groups that are supposed not to be primarily political in their orientation, they do not have to disclose their donors. The other great anxiety addressed by campaign finance regulations is the potential for corruption.

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The US supreme court has said in rulings going back decades that the first amendment right to free speech is tempered by the need to protect against cash-for-favors. The court has repeatedly stated that elected officials must avoid not only the reality of corruption in their dealings with donors, but also any appearance of corruption, because even a suggestion that dollars might have been exchanged for political favors has the ability to undermine public faith in democracy.

The justices use the legalistic phrase: quid pro quo. ZO extended to for-profit corporations and labor unions the same first amendments rights to engage in elections that had hitherto been enjoyed by individuals. Corporations were essentially treated for the first time as though they were people. For more information please review our cookie policy. Punk with John D Moderated by Yahoo. Circle Jerks.

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  • Detailing the eventual splintering of punk into various sub-genres, the second volume of John Doe and Tom DeSavia's west coast punk history portrays the rich cultural diversity of the movement and its characters, the legacy of the scene, how it affected other art forms, and ultimately influenced mainstream pop culture.

    The book also pays tribute to many of the fallen soldiers of punk rock, the pioneers who left the world much too early but whose influence hasn't faded. As with Under the Big Black Sun , the book features stories of triumph, failure, stardom, addiction, recovery, and loss as told by the people who were influential in the scene, with a cohesive narrative from authors Doe and DeSavia. In addition to stories of success, the book also offers a cautionary tale of an art movement that directly inspired commercially diverse acts such as Green Day, Rancid, Red Hot Chili Peppers, Wilco, and Neko Case.

    Readers will find themselves rooting for the purists of punk juxtaposed with the MTV-dominating rock superstars of the time who flaunted a "born to do this, it couldn't be easier" attitude that continued to fuel the flames of new music. More Fun in the New World follows the progression of the first decade of L.

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    Da Capo Press. John Doe, a founding member of groundbreaking punk band X, has recorded ten solo records and as an actor has appeared in over fifty films and television productions. DeSavia began his music industry career as a journalist. Add to Calendar. View Map View Map. Find out more about how your privacy is protected.

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